Seth Moulton

Who pays for their campaign — their own constituents or outsiders? The share of itemized individual contribution dollars (FEC Schedule A) that comes from donors inside the candidate's own state. PAC and party money is excluded here: it has no home district. Donor-linked influence is the Donor Independence component's job. Scored only when donor-state data covers at least half of the candidate's itemized receipts, so nobody is graded against a thin sample.

Donor-state data covers only 33% of 1240 itemized receipts — scored at 50%+ so nobody is graded against a partial sample

Do they show up to vote at all? The share of recorded roll calls in the current Congress where the member cast a definite yea or nay. Scored only when vote ingestion covers at least 90% of the chamber's roll calls, so nobody is graded against an incomplete denominator.

• ✓Cast a definite yea/nay on 97% of 2446 recorded roll calls sourceOfficial Source

Are they serving themselves on the side? Starts at 100 and deducts for each disclosed trade filed outside the 45-day statutory window and each trade whose timing overlaps legislation naming the issuer. Counts of factual observations from official disclosures — never characterized as wrongdoing. No disclosed trades is a clean 100: nothing to penalize is a fact, not a gap.

• ✓No disclosed stock trades on file — nothing to penalize sourceOfficial Source

When top out-of-state donors want something, do their votes follow? The inverse of the donation-weighted alignment rate between the member's votes and outcomes favoring their largest non-constituent donors (influence engine, issue 010). High = votes don't track outside money.

• ✓Votes aligned with outcomes favoring 2 top out-of-state donor(s) ($22,463 in contributions) 3% of the time — a temporal correlation, not causation sourceOfficial Source